Light-rail
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The Greater Vancouver Region is yearly becoming
more car dependent. In fact, the car accounts for the majority of
trips in the Vancouver region and over 70 percent of all daily travel.1
Between 1985 and 1992 the number of commuter cars grew 16 percent
more than did the population. Meanwhile the average number of people
per car went down, and the number of cars insured for community to
work went up by 32 percent. The average person is travelling more
frequently, for longer distances, and more slowly.2
Since the 1970s, the GVRD, through its Livable Region Strategy, has
established a planning framework for the region that links the development
of higher-density, mixed-use suburban town centres with transportation
investment in order to stabilize and reduce dependence on single-occupant
vehicles.3
In many North American cities the preferred means of promoting
concentrated development is through government-financed transit
improvements. Increasingly, surface light rail systems are the transit
system of choice. Conventional light rail transit (LRT) systems
consist of electrically powered trains operating either on existing
rail tracks or within an existing street right-of-way. LRT is a
common feature of many European cities and North American cities
that have recently built entirely new LRT systems include Calgary,
Edmonton, and Portland.
In the mid-1990s, as part of its ten-year plan, BC Transit 4
proposed a surface light rail along two major corridors within the
Greater Vancouver area. The Broadway/Lougheed corridor was one of
these. It would connect Vancouver to a number of municipal town
centres, including Burnaby. This new system would support and enhance
existing transit systems, which consist of an elevated Automated
Light Rail Transit (ALRT) system (known as SkyTrain), a fleet of
motorized buses and electric trolley buses, a cross-harbour ferry
system, and a commuter rail line. It was decided to locate the LRT
along the two identified corridors because of above-average growth
projections for the contiguous areas as well as because of the current
difficulty residents have in smoothly accessing regional shopping
and employment centres. Within this context, it was thought that
LRT would be the most cost-effective way to shape land use along
the transit corridors, to increase density, and to add value around
transit stops.
Since the charrette, the provincial government has abandoned plans
for surface LRT in favour of expanding the existing SkyTrain transit
system. The charrette designs seen below are based on the original
premise which was that a surface LRT line would run through the
site along the Lougheed corridor and would be a catalyst for significant
future development. They show how teams wrestled with the inherent
complexities of the then current plans for LRT and, more important,
how they confronted the challenge of making transit unite, rather
than divide, communities. While significant debate still rages with
regard to the province’s precipitous change in plans, the decision
to proceed with SkyTrain seems irreversible. However, the charrette
still sheds significant light on how a surface rail system can and
should be incorporated into the urban fabric, if not in the Brentwood
area, then perhaps in other parts of Vancouver and certainly in
other North American communities — communities that may have a better
sense of the cost-effectiveness and positive urban design implications
of surface light rail systems.
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Charrette designers challenged the preliminary city
proposal plans for surface light rail, which suggested ever wider
streets to accommodate transit along the Lougheed corridor. According
to typical road network design standards, Lougheed Highway, as a primary
arterial, should have no fewer than six travel lanes and should be
at least 25.6 metres (78 feet) wide. However, maximum lane widths
were proposed in many sections of the Lougheed corridor. Along some
sections, up to 45 metres (150 feet) of paved road surface was allocated
between sidewalks – a width that would accommodate six lanes of auto
traffic going in both directions, two bike lanes, and an 8 metre right-of-way
for surface light rail.5 Turning lanes
averaging 3.7 metres proposed at most intersections would further
widen the paved roadway.
In contrast to Lougheed Highway, Granville Street, a similar type
of arterial in the City of Vancouver, carries equally high volumes
of traffic, yet does so within fewer and narrower travel lanes.
The photo at the lower right shows Granville Street where it passes
through the community of Marpole. Here, a dense concentration of
neighbourhood shops and offices line the busy street. The volumes
of traffic that pass through this area do not irretrievably compromise
pedestrian comfort. Curb parking at non-peak hours, pedestrian-controlled
traffic signals, and minimum lane widths force cars to move at a
reasonable pace. An approximately 28 metre (85 feet) right-of-way
consists of six travel lanes with curb lanes accommodating parking
at non-peak times. Left turn bays are limited to only one intersection.
Charrette designers took streets such as Granville as their cue
and proposed minimum lane widths for autos and transit within six
travel lanes of traffic travelling in both directions. All proposals
were based on the premise that travel speeds along Lougheed Highway
can and should be cut in order to secure a safe and attractive urban
environment. All four final designs favoured transit and pedestrians
over the automobile.
Designers adhered to the premise that adding capacity for cars
on Lougheed Highway would only attract more traffic from the Trans-Canada
Highway during rush-hour periods (which occur twice a day for increasing
durations). Designers generally felt that a coordinated strategy
of actually increasing travel times for autos, while decreasing
travel times for transit, is a crucial and unavoidable aspect of
any attempt to shift users from cars to transit. As one designer
adamantly declared, “Allow cars, but let them crawl!”
Early government proposals for the Lougheed corridor assumed that
a grade separation was required at the intersection of Lougheed
Highway and Willingdon Avenue. The basis for this assumption lay
in a concern over the efficient movement of traffic across this
major intersection. Often, expensive decisions are made to elevate
or lower transit lines at some or many intersections. This can double
the cost of the system while also making it more difficult to integrate
grade separations into the fabric of the community. In response,
all four teams chose to use at-grade stations as a means of reducing
structural costs, increasing activity on the street, and giving
transit priority over the car.
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Charrette Solutions
The four teams treated the alignment of light rail and the location
of transit stops in a variety of ways. Teams One and Two chose to
place the rail line down the central median of the Lougheed Highway
right-of-way between landscaped boulevards. The first four sketches
show how stations are tightly integrated with bus and car traffic
and pedestrian sidewalks; links with major bus routes are located
a few steps away. Lane widths reflect minimum acceptable design standards
for the lowered design speeds anticipated for this dense area, and
a large portion of the right-of-way is devoted to pedestrians. On-street
parking is provided during non-peak periods, and turning lanes are
provided only where necessary (and then in ways that are sensitive
to pedestrian crossings). Careful attention to detail through the
use of closely spaced trees, low fencing, street furniture, and detailed
paving gracefully envelope the stops in space so that they are clearly
identifiable components of the public realm (see Examples 1-4).
Team Two addressed pedestrian safety and movement across the right-of-way
by placing a covered stop just east of the Willingdon Avenue/Lougheed
Highway intersection (see Example 5). Its streamlined design and
steel and glass construction suggests an elegant transit stop rather
than a bulky station, and at the same time, provides physical protection
from wind, rain, and passing traffic. The street section featured
in Example 5 shows how the surface of the street is maintained from
sidewalk to sidewalk, allowing the human scale of the train to actually
reinforce the pedestrian realm. All too often, transit is treated
as a separate piece of infrastructure and is spatially separated
from other elements of the street; here, and in all other examples,
the rail line reads as part of the street. As shown, the proposed
train has a very low profile, with a maximum height that is even
lower than that of “low-profile” buses.
In Example 6, Team Three proposed that the entire transit right-of-way
be shifted to one side of the street, allowing passenger movement
to occur in much the same way as it does at a bus stop. This solution
maintains the integrity of the street surface. The street remains
relatively undisturbed by structural and grade changes like those
required for an elevated station. Travelling at curb’s edge, the
train itself becomes a pedestrian-scaled urban design feature that
animates the sidewalk as it serves it, allowing pedestrians to easily
become passengers and passengers to easily become pedestrians. As
in previous examples, tree canopy, street furniture, lighting, and
distinctive paving patterns provide an important spatial envelope
for sidewalk drop-off points, while also adding scale and comfort
to the pedestrian environment.
Team Four chose to pull the LRT southward to a pedestrianized street
(see Examples 7-8). In this scenario, the only moving vehicle on
the street would be the train. Car trips would be pushed to parallel
streets (particularly to Lougheed Highway). In this scheme, Dawson
Street, referred to as the “High Street”, would be the central spine
of an open-air mall. This team most directly challenged the then
current plans for light rail, which anticipated that this section
of the line would pick up speed in order to compensate for the more
frequent stops that would be required throughout the more established
areas to the east and west. This team’s scenario implies that the
rail system’s most important service is to the neighbourhood, not
to the commuters who live in the east and work in the west. It suggests
that the current pattern of commuting won’t last forever and that
it is more important to bring jobs to people than it is to bring
people to jobs. It suggests that what is needed is a transit system
that safely transports people to wherever they want to go in the
urban area without sacrificing urban integrity for illusive gains
in trip duration. To accommodate the pedestrian orientation of the
street, Team Four proposes that the train run at maximum speeds
of less than thirty kilometres per hour in this 1.5 kilometre stretch
and then increase speed as it leaves the core.
Conclusion
Emerging from the diverse palette of charrette solutions is one
overriding conclusion: light rail transit can be an effective tool
for uniting communities. This conclusion is supported by proposals
that favour transit over cars. First, all teams rejected the assumption
that a grade change is necessary to ensure the efficient flow of
auto traffic on Willingdon Avenue. Their proposals support the notion
that a dense and urban community structure requires a diverse concentration
of activity at the street level and that any effort to reduce automobile
dependence must give transit an equal, if not superior, profile.
By narrowing the portion of the right-of-way dedicated to automobiles,
they are suggesting that slowing down the car is at least as effective
a means of increasing the relative advantage of transit as is speeding
up both the car and transit — a race that transit will always lose.
Second, all teams showed that, through sensitive urban design, surface
rail could make the right-of-way more, rather than less crossable
by pedestrians. Their various options for streamlined, elegant stops
along the corridor address pedestrian movement, safety, and comfort
in ways that emphasize the physical and experiential qualities of
the street. Attention to details such as dense tree canopies along
boulevards and sidewalks, shelter, low fencing, places to sit, and
through-block connections illustrate this commitment to the pedestrian
realm. Finally, each team supported the notion of transit-oriented
development by locating high-density mixed-use buildings, job clusters,
and community facilities along the transit corridor, both to create
a vibrant urban core and to provide the ridership needed to support
transit activity.
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Notes
1 Glen Leicester, Light Rail Transit Growth
Management in Vancouver, BC, Canada (Vancouver, BC: BC Transit Strategic
Planning Department, 1997).
2 Greater Vancouver Regional District,
A Long-Range Transportation Plan for Greater Vancouver (Vancouver,
BC: Greater Vancouver Regional District and the Province of British
Columbia, 1993).
3 One of the cornerstones of the Livable
Region Strategy (1976) and its offspring the Livable Region Strategic
Plan (1996), is the concept of concentrated growth through the development
of regional and municipal town centres. A total of six regional
town centres and thirteen municipal town centres have been identified,
each of which are intended to be linked with intermediate- and high-capacity
transit systems.
4 Vancouver’s transit system is
a partnership between BC transit, a Crown Corporation wholly owned
by the provincial government, and the Greater Vancouver Transit
Authority, the regional body representing local municipalities.
5 City of Burnaby, Burnaby Transportation
Plan (Burnaby, BC: City of Burnaby, 1995).
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